What are the political perspectives for Sri Lanka in the coming period?  Since 2007 there has been wave after wave of elections.  After the parliamentary and provincial elections due in 2010, however, no further elections are scheduled for some time.  Under normal circumstances, elections under capitalist rule provide an opportunity for the masses to weigh, measure and exercise their democratic rights; however in Sri Lanka, the ruling capitalist parties use elections for exactly the opposite purpose – to subvert, claw back and destroy democratic rights of the people.  The Rajapakse regime uses elections to try to drown out and suppress the rising anger and militancy of the working class, youth and poor masses, and to bury the democratic rights of the masses one by one and the press freedom by arousing Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism in the country.

Amidst grave fraud and procedural malpractice, Rajapakse has been re-enthroned as president.  The government has already brazenly declared that this second chapter of Rajapakse rule is to be extended to 7 years – contemptuously dismissing the constitution’s requirement that a presidential term be limited to 6 years.  Not sated with even that fraud, the Rajapakse ruling gang demands of the masses a 2/3rd majority at the upcoming parliamentary general election.  Why?  Precisely to establish an autocratic political dictatorship, beyond all democratic control and accountability, with gigantic political power concentrated in its own hands.

There is not one iota of truth in the hue and cry being made by the government, of their alleged need for a 2/3rd majority in order to write a new constitution.  As if a new constitution or other constitutional reform seen as of benefit to the country could ever fail to gain the unanimous support of the opposition in parliament!  What resistance could a parliamentary opposition hope to muster against a constitution that is seen to be constructed according to the democratic aspirations of the masses?  No!  The real reason why Rajapakse demands of the electorate a 2/3rd parliamentary majority is precisely to ride roughshod over all oppositionists and impose a new constitution in his party’s and family’s interests.  In particular, to chauvinistically reject the heartfelt national aspirations of the Tamil-speaking people of the North and East, and bury their legitimate demands under the crushing weight of Sinhala-majority votes.  At public meetings for the general election, Rajapakse asserts that, for rewriting the constitution, he will have to depend on Ealamists to complete 2/3rd majority, if it is not given by the (Sinhalese) people. This is an extremely dangerous statement.  He is trying to get the consent of the Sinhala majority to crush the democratic rights of the Tamil community. If the Rajapakse ruling gang succeeds in achieving 2/3rd majority, they will drag Sri Lanka into a new Dark Age.

Consider the sole previous instance where a government gained unlimited executive presidential power and a 2/3rd parliamentary majority:  the post-1977 JR Jayawardena regime.  The 1978 constitution constructed under JR Jayawardena’s presidential leadership was a monstrous hammer to suppress all oppositional ideas, invalidate the national rights of the Tamil-speaking people, and destroy democracy.  Even the limited but significant workers’ rights won under bourgeois democracy were annihilated by the UNP bosses’ government.  The representative elected by popular vote, whether to the district council, provincial council, or parliament, was freed of all control of and accountability to the masses.  In other words, the Member of Parliament elected by the masses no longer bore even a shred of responsibility to the masses.  Furthermore, JR Jayawardena would continually amend the constitution at his own arbitrary whim – a record 12 constitutional amendments, arousing the mirth of the entire world!

Even though it does not quite bear comparison with JR Jayawardena’s autocratic, depraved, draconian dictatorship, the sole previous similar situation was Sirima Bandaranaike’s so-called “United Front” government of 1970-1977.  It must be especially borne in mind that in that period there was no executive presidency.  The bourgeois SLFP-led United Front, suborning and further corrupting the LSSP and “Communist” Party into its fold, won a 2/3rd parliamentary majority at the 1970 general election, becoming the government with Sirima Bandaranaike enthroned as prime minister.  The United Front regime constructed a new constitution in 1972.  Here too the regime used its 2/3rd majority unlimited power in parliament to ride roughshod over all oppositional ideas and create this new constitution according to its own arbitrary whims.  The constitutional-reform demands proposed for Tamil national rights by Tamil bourgeois leaders of that period such as Amirthalingam Sivasiththapparam were contemptuously dismissed by the Sirima Bandaranaike United Front regime.  The LSSP and its leaders such as the 1972 constitution’s chief architect Colvin R. de Silva – in a bygone era stalwart champions of Tamil national rights and socialism – prostituted themselves by crowning Sinhala as the sole official state language and Buddhism as the preeminent state religion. By doing this, LSSP and CP leaders destroyed the final hope that the Tamil speaking people had for a negotiated settlement.  This illustrates the two occasions where (since the British imperialists’ Soulbury constitution) attempts by the ruling capitalist enemy to create a new constitution merely dragged the country along the path to catastrophe.  We must never forget that the 30-year near-genocidal anti-Tamil war was the poisoned fruit of the constitutions of 1972 and 1978 – death-traps for the masses constructed by the Sirima/SLFP and JR/UNP capitalist butchers. Even attempts made by Rajapakse clan to form a government having 2/3rd majority will bring catastrophic results to the country.

It is crystal clear that Rajapakse demands a 2/3rd parliamentary majority for constructing a new constitution precisely to create a dictatorship far exceeding even those two in bloodthirsty savagery.  The “State of Emergency”, the “Prevention of Terrorism Act”, and other such repressive laws are maintained uninterruptedly and enforced mercilessly.  Large numbers of political prisoners languish in jails without even being charged.  The main capitalist opponent to the Rajapakse government, Sarath Fonseka, is under arrest under military law.  The Rajapakse bosses’ regime murders media workers, journalists, editors; continually “disappeared” them without a trace; sets the dogs of state repression to hunt down oppositionists; perpetrates violent armed raids against offices and workplaces.  President Rajapakse recently announced, by extraordinary “Special Gazette Publication”, the establishment of many new detention camps for prisoners.  It is obvious why, even after killing LTTE leader Prabhakaran and completely defeating the LTTE to win the 30-year war, the Rajapakse regime wants to enormously strengthen its repressive stranglehold over the masses.  Prattling about their alleged patriotism and nationalism in order to fool the masses, regimes such as Hitler’s and Idi Amin’s wrought genocidal catastrophes abhorred to this day by the workers of the entire world.  The Rajapake regime strives to drive Sri Lanka’s future down the same blood-soaked blind alley.

In a recent interview to India’s “The Hindu” newspaper, Mahinda Rajapakse stated that, the Tamil leaders elected to the new parliament (after the forthcoming April 8 election) should meet him and discuss the Tamil people’s problems.  This clearly reveals president Rajapakse’s ignorance of and un-interest in the myriad burning problems confronting the Tamil masses.  Already the TNA (“Tamil National Alliance”) has published its election manifesto calling for amongst other things the reunification of the Northern and Eastern provinces, the devolution of police powers and the power to administer land, education and health care, and the power to cooperate with foreign countries in the development of the North and East.  While nowhere near addressing the Tamil masses’ fundamental rights for national self-determination and freedom from racial oppression, the TNA bosses’ manifesto does echo many of the Tamil people’s national aspirations.  However, Rajapakse and gang are busy on the parliamentary election stage whipping up Sinhala national chauvinism.  Thus it is absolutely certain that the forthcoming parliament will be incapable of even articulating the above national aspirations of the Tamil people.  President Rajapakse is living proof of the complete inability of Southern capitalist rulers, elected solely by the Sinhala majority, to solve the Tamil national question.

With their daughters and sons, mothers and fathers, friends and relatives devoured and burnt to ashes in the hell of war, the mental anguish borne by the Tamil-speaking masses today is almost indescribable.  Given the Rajapakse Sinhala capitalist government’s incapability and unwillingness to solve any of their burning problems, there is a great danger that, even before the 7-year period of Rajapakse presidential rule ends, a new generation of Tamil youth will seek their national liberation in the blind alley of mere guerrilla struggle.  Time is short.  The only road preventing the recurrence of such horror is the road of united mass struggle led by the working class, North and South, Tamil and Sinhala, women and men, leading behind it the peasantry and the oppressed masses, to overthrow capitalist government and smash the capitalist state, and achieve a workers’ and peasants’ revolutionary government based on a socialist program for workers’ democracy.